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One of its main features is that everything works "Out Of The Box", this is achieved by bringing integrated codecs to play Flash content, MP3, DVD "A recent report by the UN shows that 1% of adults living on the planet owns 40% of global assets and the richest 10% owns 85% of the world.". In August 1964, Malcolm X spent several weeks in Egypt. During his stay in Cairo, wrote an essay in Egypt Gazette newspaper entitled "Racism: the cancer that is destroying America." In it, Malcolm X suggested, "The common goal of 22 million Afro-Americans is respect and human rights … never get civil rights in the United States without first reverting HUMAN RIGHTS." This distinction is crucial. Civil rights are obtained by forming the state. They are, in historical terms, specific modern world and came under the program of the new modern state, only thanks to the struggles of ordinary people who wanted to translate the ideals of the recent modern era in the realm of legality. So they formed civil rights. Human rights, Malcolm suggests, should be restored. Are innate to us, the essence of our species, the way in which, as social actors, we see ourselves and the way in which our better instincts force us to see each other. Are innate, but not always issued, for the history of man is both ordinary people struggle for justice (civil rights) as the march toward dehumanization. The dancer roll between human rights, our rights as individuals in society, and civil rights, our rights as citizens within the states, is a fundamental part of the grammar of modern politics. The belief that civil rights arrancándoselos get enough state is the essence of modern liberalism: a legal provision to approximate equality would be sufficient. Thus liberalism celebrates the Civil Rights Act of 1964 the U.S. as his crowning achievement. Further, modern liberalism believes that his goal is to begrudge a reality, not to transform it in essence. Malcolm X looked over and saw something modern liberalism beyond. Of course civil rights in the modern state are necessary but not sufficient. It takes more. The greatest tragedy of the movement that fought for civil rights in America's victory was that liberal just at a time that the U.S. economy and society were being violently transformed. The structural process of globalization and anti-government Reaganite policy combined to undermine the very institutions whose main task was to defend the civil rights of minorities who had just won their right to vote. Such weakened state and national economy convulsed by the dominance of finance could not guarantee the civil rights of its citizens. This is what Malcolm was and is the reason that he quickly realized that we had to make a distinction between civil and human rights. It also makes sense to perform these comments Malcom in Egypt. It is a long tradition in African American radical thought that in the course of their careers, the political intellectuals have begun with the hope of achieving justice in the American project, and then in the course of the struggle to realize that without an international perspective this dream is futile. Therein lies the importance of pan-Africanism, but is only a particular form of a more general statement: the importance of an internationalist policy. Since 1964 the liberal doctrine of multiculturalism has allowed the state to absorb a small percentage of minorities in the tops of the elites, while at the same time the human rights issue for most minorities languishes. Barack Obama and Susan Rice developed a sophisticated profile contemporary imperialism, while the state improved its program that devastate the social world of nations with darker skin. This mix of globalization and Reaganism tragically undermined the civil rights victories is what constitutes the neoliberalism to benefit from areas of social life that had hitherto been communal, sell public assets at bargain prices to private speculators, let finance dominate over public life and property and allow insurers to produce bubbles that burst at very low speed first and then dramatically, as in 2008. The social consequences of neoliberalism have been grotesque. Overall unemployment has reached shocking levels, providing a future "alarming" for unemployment, according to World of Work Report 2012 of the International Labour Organization. Young people are three times more likely to suffer unemployment. Approximately 6.4 million young people have given up on finding a job. The high unemployment is in the context of collapse of the state support networks, a weakened social fabric and food and fuel prices criminally high, which have appeared as a result of a comfortable speculation in these markets. From Rome, the Bureau of Food and Culture reports that the hunger will reach its maximum of 1,020 million people. Since 2008, the riots directly related to the food sector have hit Africa, Asia and Latin America, reaching the borders of Europe and the U.S. where an increasing number of protests due to inflation. Rebellion index of 106 shows that 57 countries are at high risk of harboring increasingly transgressions. The IMF has recognized that one of the triggers of the Arab Revolt of this year was the disproportionate increase in bread prices as a result of the disappearance of the "bread of democracy." It is already bad enough having to adapt to the most basic level of life, but even worse is if this condition is common even among the population. Social inequity indices are at their record in the modern era. The U.S., Occupy motion tabled the issue of 1%. We know that this 1% controls obscene amounts of public wealth. It is shocking to look at the situation of global wealth. A recent report by the UN shows that 1% of adults living on the planet owns 40% of global assets and the richest 10% owns 85% of the world. The disparity and gaps do not fit nicely into the commonplace of the ideas of equality and justice. The mighty know it very well. The way we split the national budget shows its values. The U.S. national budget devoted to military spending and police, prisons rather than schools and guns rather than the bread. Given the consequences of neoliberalism, is much more effective and logical to build a safety device to keep people within their devastated cities or in overcrowded maximum security prisons. There is nothing irrational about the prison industrial complex. From a neoliberal perspective is perfectly reasonable. Neoliberalism has always made their purchases with an iron fist, rarely with kid gloves (the example is Chile in 1973 or New York at the time of Guiliani). One of the great triumphs of the past two decades has been the gradual and now almost complete disappearance of the legitimacy of the current phase of capitalism or, in other words, neoliberalism. The first great shock came to neoliberalism in South America, starting with the Caracazo in 1989 and ending on the Pink Tide in the election of leftist governments that emerged. In the past two years have seen massive protests in Africa and Asia, being the most dramatic Arab Spring, and then the uprisings in southern Europe Occupy supported by experiment. All this tells us that neoliberalism is the emperor naked. The prevailing ideology of the ruling class is bankrupt. Neoliberalism has begun to be delegitimized, but neither he nor the logic that governs it, capitalism has been dispatched at least two reasons. First, neoliberalism continues to exercise institutional power through central banks and multilateral financial institutions. Inflation is your goal, not employment. There is no fiscal space, or political space for political states or raise other dreams, other imaginary. If you do not keep their debt and low inflation, shall be punished by an increase in the price of their loans. The freedom to act is constrained by dinerócratas with the keys to their safes. Second, one of the long-term trends of the capitalist system is to follow those who control capital in the substitution of machines for labor. Capitalism is a massive job displacement. The real problem is that workers are restless and asking a lot, and they are expensive. Machines do not ask for anything and are cheap. Perhaps the machines are environmentally devastating, but that is not relevant for capitalism. Perhaps it could also be socially wonderful, as have the ability to free up time to devote to leisure, but that would only work if the fruits of mechanization were not held exclusive few who control or own property or social wealth. What we do know is that the finished time of neoliberal security state and governments as possible. Even if these states will last, its legitimacy has been eroded. The impossible times have presented themselves. We need to fight for the necessary reforms, it is imperative for the survival of the people. But the reforms themselves can not provide anything more than survival. The system is not able to open our arms and welcome us. Love is antithetical to the Profit and Property. There is nothing we can haggle to make this system better. Many people have come to the idea that they are dispensable for the system and they have provided: they have given to the creation of alternative economies, new communities, to experimental forms of social relationships over money. Our fear, my fear of the future greet us from the times of the impossible. If we want to restore our human rights, as Malcolm said, the time is now. News Analysis Colonialism Capitalism Arms Crisis International Crisis food crisis, economic crisis social globalization Debt Interview Immigration Imperialism Internet Drug Trafficking Report nuclear danger Viewpoint Religion.